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Please note: when citing to my work please use my both last names, either as Villamizar Chaparro or Villamizar-Chaparro.
- Hoyos, C and Villamizar Chaparro, M (2019) The Implementation of the Peace Accords in Congress: A legislative balance during 2017. In Excombatientes y acuerdo de paz con las FARC-EP en Colombia, edited by Rettberg, A, and McFee, E. (In Spanish - Link to book here).
- Echeverri Pineda, C and Villamizar Chaparro, M (2018) Representation and Political Participation of the Afro-Colombian Population: 2014 Elections and Black Legislators. In Polarización y posconflicto las elecciones nacionales y locales en Colombia, 2014-2017, edited by Botero, F, García Sánchez, M and Wills-Otero, L. (In Spanish - Link to book here).
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M and Echeverri-Pineda, C (2022) Blank votes and black organizations: explaining participation in the Afro-Colombian ethnic districts. In En reconfiguración permanente: partidos y elecciones nacionales y subnacionales en Colombia 2018-2019, edited by Botero, F; Ortega Gómez, Viviana; Pino, Juan Federico and Wills, L. (In Spanish - Link to book here)
Peer Reviewed Journal Articles
Sick, Hungry, and Vulnerable: Federal Stimulus and Food Security on Marginalized Populations During the COVID‑19 Pandemic with Timothy R. McDade, Molly Jacobs, and Michelle Corea Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities
Abstract: In addition to the threat of serious illness, COVID-19 and subsequent restrictions had devastating economic consequences for many US citizens. This study examines the evolution of food security over the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic testing whether the initial economic stimulus payment improved the nutritional well-being of vulnerable populations. We use data from Phase 1 of the Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey among a nationally representative sample of adults and the 2017-2018 Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement. Using an ordered logistic regression, we assess differences in the incidence and severity of food security across demographic, income, geographic and employment status cohorts and assess the effects of the first economic stimulus payment. Our results show that marginalized groups faced greater food insecurity and had food-related outcomes worsen over time. Blacks, Hispanics, and individuals living in rural areas became less food secure as the pandemic progressed. However, receipt of a stimulus payment appears to have improved conditions. Rising food prices and persistent high unemployment have the potential to exacerbate food insecurity among marginalized and at-risk groups.
Extortion, Civic Action, and Political Participation among Guatemalan Deportees with Elaine K. Denny, David A. Dow and Gabriella Levy. Forthcoming at BJPS
Abstract: How does extortion affect political and civic engagement? Extortion is both a form of victimization and a type of economic hardship, yet existing literature is inconclusive about how both phenomena affect public participation. We argue that extortion as an economic shock will increase grievances, thereby increasing engagement. In contrast, extortion as victimization will prompt fear of crime, thereby depressing engagement. Using novel survey data from migrants deported to Guatemala by the U.S. government, we leverage the quasi-random experience of extortion during migration to test this theory. We find that extortion has a strong positive effect on both civic action and protest after deportation. The results suggest that this effect is mediated partly by increased economic hardship. These findings demonstrate that extortion experienced while migrating has long term financial consequences for deportees which may ultimately shape their reintegration into their home countries.
Precarity, and Preferences for Redistribution in Weak States: Evidence from the Philippines with Dean Dulay and Janica Magat Under Review
Abstract: The positive relationship between economic precarity and increased preferences for redistribution is well-established in a large literature focusing on the Global North. However, existing scholarship finds no relationship between precarity and redistribution in the Global South; the underlying reasons remain unclear. Moreover, existing papers conflate precarity and informality, thus confounding the interpretation of these results. We conducted a priming experiment and leveraged the COVID-19 pandemic to randomly vary perceptions of economic precarity for 1,526 individuals in Metro Manila, Philippines. We show that precarity is not correlated with increased demand for redistribution, but is correlated with a preference for non-contributory social assistance spending over contributory social insurance spending. This result is driven by the formal sector, suggesting that precarity does engender different views about redistribution among individuals with exposure to different social spending policies.
Displacing Slums: The Political, Economic and Spatial Determinants of Slum Evictions in Patna, India with Harlan Downs-Tepper and Emily K. Rains. Under Review
Abstract: Urban economic growth is often associated with transformation and beautification in the name of development. However, to build new roads or create green space, city planners transform the preexisting urban environment. This process creates winners and losers, and often involves the eviction and displacement of poor households. In this paper, we investigate how governments decide whom to displace, and whom to leave untouched, in the name of modernization. Drawing on a unique combination of pre-eviction surveys, post-eviction interviews, and novel geospatial data, we analyze the case of slums in Patna, Bihar, the capital of India’s poorest state. We find that evictions are negatively associated with the economic value of the areas where slums are situated, and, contrary to our expectations, that strong local political connectedness does not prevent eviction.
Types of Corruption and Public Support for Corrupt Politicians: Experimental Evidence from the Philippines with Dean Dulay and Janica Magat Working Paper
Abstract: Political corruption diminishes democratic accountability and leads to economic inefficiencies, yet voters all over the world vote for corrupt politicians. What explains this phenomenon? This letter argues that corruption takes different forms and, in turn, has different effects on public support. We conduct a survey experiment on voters in the Philippines to examine how type of corruption affects their support for politicians. The results display a corruption ordering. Relative to no corruption, respondents who received the nepotism treatment are 21.6 percentage points less likely to vote for the mayor, respondents receiving the bribery treatment 35 p.p. less likely, and those receiving the theft treatment 50 p.p. less likely. These results are robust to a variety of alternative specifications and are consistent with theories of social distance and different norms and values as potential explanations. Our results suggest that type of corruption is a key determinant of corrupt politicians’ electoral success.
Doves, Hawks, and Turnout: The Electoral Effects of Targeted Post-Conflict Political Violence with Gabriella Levy. Working Paper
Abstract: What are the effects of violence against civic leaders and ex-combatants on electoral outcomes in unstable contexts emerging from conflict? Such individuals have been targeted in a range of countries, including Colombia and Afghanistan. Yet, existing research on wartime and electoral violence has rarely explored the killings of these non-combatants, who are neither regular people nor powerful politicians. Thus, we examine the relationship between 1) the deaths of social leaders and demobilized ex-combatants in Colombia following the 2016 peace agreement and 2) Colombian political participation and vote choice in 2018 and 2019 elections. Methodologically, we use a series of municipal level estimations followed by individual level regressions using DANE survey data from the Colombian government. Our results indicate that social leader and ex-combatant assassinations each reduce political engagement as well as support for the hawkish candidate. We also provide suggestive evidence that the assassinations not only reduce citizens’ perceptions of their personal security but also increase their belief in the value of violence and depress their satisfaction with the state of democracy in their country. These results suggest that, through their impact on electoral participation, vote choice, and public attitudes, the assassinations may have countervailing effects on national stability.
Between locals and migrants: Politicians and vote buying in Colombia Working Paper
Abstract: The number of internal migrants in the developing world has been increasing as a result of climate change, violence and economic development. How do these flows of migrants affect vote-buying structures? Unlike their international counterparts, internal migrants still retain their right to vote and hence could be included in vote-buying schemes. This paper uses a formal model to analyze the decision a politician makes when allocating private benefits between migrants and natives. The model indicates that politicians will distribute private benefits to migrants when there is a low level of political competition. Using individual and municipal quantitative data from Colombia alongside qualitative work, I find that migrants engage less in vote-buying practices in more competitive environments. This result is most likely the effect of migrant turnout rather than issues with migrant voting registration. The results also show that vote-buying interactions between politicians and migrants are one shot leaving aside the idea of relational clientelism. Finally, political competition reduces the amount of private benefits distributed by local political machines. These findings complement the results from migrant integration into formal political settings as campaigns and candidacies.
Group Consciousness and District Selection: Evidence from the Colombian Congress’ Black Ethnic District with Cristina Echeverri-Pineda. Working Paper
Abstract: How does group consciousness affect the preferences for district selection? In this paper, we investigate if individuals that have a stronger group consciousness measured as historical discrimination, existences of linked fate, and inequalities in the treatment of different racial groups affect district choice. Using a multi-method design, using semi-structured interviews and a conjoint experiment in a sample of Afro-Colombians, we find evidence that group consciousness affects the preferences for ethnic districts over territorial ones. Our results also show that membership to ethnic organization or individuals episodes of discrimination do not change preferences for ethnic districts. These findings indicate that individuals with high levels of group consciousness tend to worry more about mechanisms ad institutions that can enhance the group’s political representation. Pre-analysis plan
Property Rights and Deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon with Marcelo Gonçalves and Subhrendu K. Pattanayak. Working Paper
Abstract: In the last decades, collective property rights (CPR) became one of the primary policies used to avoid deforestation and foster development worldwide. Still, the empirical evidence connecting CPR to improved development and environmental outcomes is scarce and conflicting, requiring further investigation. To address this gap, we evaluate the impact of various programs that granted land titles to Afro-descendant communities in Brazil throughout the last two decades. Contrary to prevalent views, titling is associated with increased deforestation and pasture area (a common sign of land degradation) and reduced land dedicated to agriculture. Additionally, considering that titling programs are essentially an institutional transformation, we explore the interaction of such programs with different institutional backgrounds. We conduct heterogeneity tests to verify whether the results are sensitive to levels of tenure protection and how titling programs interact with broader political institutions. We find that titling programs would only produce the effects mentioned above when the title covers the entire communal territory, so a partial title has no effect. Also, during electoral years, titled communities experience a recovery of part of their forest cover, a reduction in the proportion of land dedicated to agriculture (cultivated land), while pasture area remains unaltered. These findings suggest that collective titling alone does not ensure sustainable development among impoverished communities. For some communities, overcoming poverty while preserving environmental goods will require more comprehensive development policies conformed to the reality of these specific social groups.
The Market in Smugglers: Survey Experimental Evidence on the Choice of Coyotes in Guatemala.with Diego Romero and Erik Wibbels Working Paper
Abstract: How does group consciousness affect the preferences for district selection? In this paper, we investigate if individuals that have a stronger group consciousness measured as historical discrimination, existences of linked fate, and inequalities in the treatment of different racial groups affect district choice. Using a multi-method design, using semi-structured interviews and a conjoint experiment in a sample of Afro-Colombians, we find evidence that group consciousness affects the preferences for ethnic districts over territorial ones. Our results also show that membership to ethnic organization or individuals episodes of discrimination do not change preferences for ethnic districts. These findings indicate that individuals with high levels of group consciousness tend to worry more about mechanisms ad institutions that can enhance the group’s political representation.
Work in Progress
- DDR and ex-combatant well-being with Juan F. Tellez. Pre-analysis plan
- Elections and Democratic Backsliding with Erik Wibbels
- Xenophobic Rhetoric in Colombian elections
Policy Working papers
Forced Displacement of Migrants, Social Cohesion, and Political Engagement with Elaine K. Denny, David A. Dow and Gabriella Levy. World Bank Working Paper 10020
Abstract: How does extortion experienced during the migration journey affect the civic engagement of deported migrants returned to their home country? More broadly, how does extortion affect political participation? We know very little about either the political behavior of returnees or about how coercive economic shocks experienced during migration affect subsequent levels of political participation. Furthermore, existing literature on how victimization affects political participation is inconclusive, particularly when combined with existing work on economic insecurity. Studying deported migrants and the quasi-random experience of extortion enables us to address the endogeneity that often confounds these analyses. This approach allows us to isolate the impact of extortion on political action from potentially confounding factors related to local security or corruption. Using a novel dataset from Guatemalan migrants returned to Guatemala by the U.S. government, we find that extortion has a direct, positive relationship with multiple forms of civic action, and that, at least in this context, the mobilizing effects of economic hardship outweigh the potentially demobilizing effects of fear of crime.
Why Student Aid Matters? Roadblocks to the Transition into Higher Education for Forced Migrants in Chile with Christian Blanco and Francisco Meneses. World Bank Working Paper 10104
Abstract: Education is a powerful tool for social mobility and cultural integration. However, it is one of the largest hurdles for migrants—particularly for forcefully displaced migrants, given their more vulnerable condition and lack of resources to pay for private education. This paper explores educational gaps between migrants and natives in Chile, a country that provides free public education to newcomers. The paper analyzes an administrative data set that includes all students in the Chilean educational system and follows students from 2017 to 2018. Using a research discontinuity design around the cut-off for financial aid to tertiary education, this paper investigates whether access to financial aid generates incentives for forced migrants to enroll in tertiary education. This research confirms previous findings that show that migrants have lower advancement and enrollment rates than natives at every school level. Moreover, it f inds that financial aid applications constitute a major roadblock preventing migrant students from accessing higher education. Furthermore, the paper presents suggestive evidence showing that the interaction between the type of school (vocational vs. technical) and the migrant condition affects applications for financial aid.
- The Human Cost of Deportation with Elaine K. Denny, David A. Dow, Diego Romero, Gabriella Levy, Juan F. Tellez, Weyne Pitts, Erik Wibbels, and Pamela Zabala.. Actualidad Política #19
Publications in other media
- Levy, Tellez and Villamizar-Chaparro (2021, Dec. 1) Five years after Colombia’s peace deal, the FARC is no longer on U.S. terrorist group lists. (The Monkey Cage)
- Denny, Dow, Ordoñez, Pitts, Romero, Tellez, Villamizar-Chaparro, Wibbels, and Zabala (2021, April 2) 4 things the Biden administration should pay attention to with the border crisis (Brookings: Future Development Blog)
- Lebow, Villamizar-Chaparro and Wibbels (2021, Mar. 26) New survey highlights the unique challenges that Guatemalan deportees face with economic integration back home. (Vox LACEA)
- Dow, Tellez, Villamizar-Chaparro and Wibbels (2021, Mar. 3) Biden wants to halt deportations. Here’s what happens when migrants are sent back. (The Monkey Cage)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M (2018) Editorial: Afro-Colombian Representation. (Boletín 12 Antioquia Visible)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M (2017, Nov 15) Rushing for Peace: The Fast-Track Mechanism in Colombia.(JIPS Blog)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M (2017, Sep 8) Conducting Fieldwork in Colombia’s Squatters. (JIPS Blog)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M. (2017, May 24) The Borders of Public Policy. (JIPS Blog)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M. (2015, June 5). Dilemas del autogobierno afro: El caso Palenque. (Cerosetenta)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M., Duque, C., & Martínez, P. (2014, Sep 12). ¿Jaque a la Circunscripción Afro? (Congreso Visible)
- Aroca, María Paula & Villamizar-Chaparro, M. (2014, June 26). ¿La Paradoja del Mira? (Congreso Visible)
- Villamizar-Chaparro, M. (2014, Mar 21). Y ¿Qué pasó con las circunscripciones especiales? (Congreso Visible)